for an alliance between merit and need (speech Claudio Martelli held in Rimini in '82) some parts ... For an alliance between reformist
merit and need today feel the need to identify the social actors - the supporters and voters - of modern reformism, this issue we are discussing today, and do not follow the above 'political initiative.
[...] I will try to proceed by successive approximations answering the question: "Who are the possible subjects of social reformism modern?". The first answer that comes to mind is to look into our history, to ask who were the reformers of the past. The PSI was born and raised as a party of workers
manual, workers of all kinds, and the middle class intellectual and progressive Northern and Southern Italy. Together, these socialists wanted to define the boundaries of the internal strife of the bourgeoisie, a new terrain of political action, other hopes, other wills, other changes.
The PSI was born as a party of educated people and as a party and expressed the fusion of its constituent elements by placing the interests of its economic and social empowerment and the democratic exercise of true justice on libertarian grounds. He was born associations, federations, fraternity men and women, individuals and groups, not around a rigid dogma or organizations, but about the poor people, ideals and programs to critical reason enlightened by faith and in a better future. He was born and because Turati others with him did come. If they had not expected the philosopher Labriola ever born.
was born and trained in over two centuries in the midst of social and political climate, not to achieve the set plan of a new world, but to repair faults and why they were overcome
the conditions that could perpetuate the wrongs that were under the eyes for anyone to see.
began as the Italian section of the Socialist International in the concert of socialist, social democratic and labor parties in Europe, intoned concert because very little is also crossed by different experiences from different teachings.
more solid and consistent and had long remained in the school Marxist who also are recognizable concetti filoni financo rivali. Ma il marxismo non è stato né l’unica dottrina né l’esperienza dominante del socialismo europeo occidentale. Quando, sul terreno marxista e secondo proprie esigenze, il leninismo, separatosi
dalla Seconda Internazionale, lottò per definire un modello di partito, di Stato e di società autonomi dal capitalismo – come dice Berlinguer – e dalle democrazie occidentali, approdò alla edificazione della forma più moderna di dispotismo. Il riformismo storico dunque nasce dall’incontro tra le attese e le speranze del mondo del lavoro e le idee, i progetti di uomini e di donne che provenivano dalle fila stesse della borghesia. E il riformismo moderno? Qual’è continuity and what is new?
[...]
Who is this for? Our proposal is directed primarily to those who can act, the social actors today are capable of autonomy and decision-making, new decisions, choices and movement and free or, in varying degrees needed. There are social subjects so trapped and identified with the strength of organizations that have given birth,
so paralyzed by the immobility of their referents or cultural inspiration, as well as social actors interested in the mere perpetuation of order and disorder exist, by be impervious to our reasons and also to all our hopes a dialogue for the better.
And there are also social actors for whom we are-without us-we like the new Leopard: the assurance that anything will change as long as everything stays the same. We can assicurareche them are wrong.
But there are millions of people-person is precisely the unity of unique individual, culture, social relations and representation, which naturally turns our proposal. Who am I?
I think the subject of social reform are those who are placed in conditions determined by need and all individuals or owners of a substance. Whatever the need, whatever the merits, only those who can act because he wants or because it has to be the recipient of the shares of reform and change, because it participates in the revolution under way, will participate in the various revolutions that are already being made or prepared at the dawn of 2000. The meaning of the covenant
reformist socialist and can not be in its essence nothing but this: The alliance between merit and need. Women and men of merit, talent, skills, people are useful to themselves and useful to others, those who progress and advance a set or an entire society through their work with their imagination, with the their creativity to produce more knowledge: those who can act.
Women and Men immersed in need are the people who are not in a position to be useful to themselves and to others, those who are marginalized or excluded from work or knowledge or the suffering or health: those who must act. Without taking this strong alliance, this duality of recipients, the modern reformism might degenerate into opportunism, or flow back into the classic ceilings.
Again, if we separate the merit and need, reformism becomes or technocracy or welfare, but if we join or alleiamo merit and need, the modern reformism can produce a change with the times, can interpret the time, can govern the change.
I deliberately used the poor people of the categories simple. The eclipse of Marxism may pave the way for a restoration of a bourgeois or corporate anarchist rebellion.
The only way left to avoid both horns of the dilemma of welfarism and technocracy seems to reside in humility to begin again with the thumb, with poor people's cultural history: the individual, the individual who may or who must act, individuals and people with substance or subject to the need, the nature from which we no longer have to defend ourselves but we have to defend ourselves; techniques that can help us care of humanity and care of the natural world; care of children and mothers and the elderly, and our health. Who can act
Who are the individuals or persons responsible? Who can act in contemporary society? Of course, who can act, the rich, always rich, or the rentier capitalist is not that we turn to him since the maximum of its shares will still be inspired by the idea of \u200b\u200bpreserving the conditions of their privilege, and rather than helping to govern the change of government will propose the past and prevent this
give birth to the new. But contemporary society, the new social stratification, the revolution produced by technological innovation, scientific innovation and industrial applications, the process of acculturation which has invested millions of individuals, the dissemination of knowledge and information, communication and the universe of knowledge, society's willingness to accept modern-down 'crafts to electronics-
the combination of productivity and creativity have created a new social figure multiforme: the individual who holds a
know, the person who knows the techniques, procedures, the individual who has expertise, the individual who governs the mechanisms of social reproduction and
industrial production, transmission and innovation of culture, knowledge, trends and costumes, the individual who masters his day, his week,
his spare time, his education and that of her children, her holidays and its consumption: a person who is not limited to the works but who agrees to be also measured by its works and their effects.
[...]
Who should act Speaking of children we approached the second major subject of modern reformism, the world needs. This world which is intended to represent the reformist hypothesis, to express it, to give him satisfaction, is the world of the marginalized of all time and today is the world of those who must act to change. The world needs is not a De Amicis jelly of the heart. The coins jingle in the pockets of Garrone you start to visit his friend at the hospital have poor sound different from the cries and whispers coming from the world of need.
How do you define the world of need? Sure you can enumerate for large groups who belong to it. I do need to, but I apologize for this list and is not intended to arouse pity but to elicit the truth. I think of the prisoners, the alcoholics, drug addicts, madness, the sick, the handicapped, the elderly, the minimum retirement without a family to take them in care, children in fact, women and men who are alone and would not want alone, young people and girls who knock the job market and fail to cross the threshold, looking for a home to get married and have to postpone the wedding, which is excluded from culture and well-being. The world needs
sum of old and new forms of poverty but also includes other, includes non-economic poverty, poverty is not responsible or spirit. It really only another and another lowest common denominator, something that we even stopped to appoint: pain. Not that there is no pain elsewhere, but in the world need the pain is always there. Milton said: "The pain is perfect misery," but maybe not so sure the pain is an inseparable companion of poverty. In memory del movimento operaio l’esperienza del dolore è la più frequente e, in un certo senso, è la più alta, soprattutto in quanto da essa scaturì anche l’esperienza della solidarietà. Dolore, solidarietà, liberazione: questa sequenza scandisce il ritmo delle lotte storiche del socialismo.
[...]
Conclusione A coloro che ci chiedono di dichiarare con chi pensiamo di poter realizzare un programma così ambizioso noi rispondiamo: con le forze laiche e socialiste e nel rapporto contrattuale
con la DC. A quanti, da sinistra, obiettano: “Ma la DC non ve lo consentirà mai”, noi rispondiamo: “Stia attenta piuttosto la DC a non pull the rope too much with us and not to break with the Socialists. You may find itself without a rope and socialists. "
To those who insist that a similar program will have no legs left us with no alternative answer that without a clear idea not only you can not walk, but-what's worse-can neither think nor talk. For the Communist comrades who get angry because they do not participate in the treasure hunt of the third way we confess our embarrassment. And 'since we are not getting the catechism that I no longer felt the claim to deduct a thing by its name. Tell us the first thing we will tell you if we agree on something and then also on the name.
To you, dear comrades and dear friends who have followed us for four days, attention beyond all expectations and that you-say-as agents of social and political reformism and modern, to all those who look with sympathy, with interest and also with some concern over this new socialist reformist majority in the country is submerged and that is made by those responsible and to those in need, young people under twenty who look at us like strange animals , head full of thoughts, some new and some old, for women at home or at work are making the slowest, the mildest and the most extraordinary revolutions, to veterans, to disperse, the apocalyptic, the integrated generations of '68 and '77, the reformist majority black, you want to say your voltage if it was real, your imagination if you really think big, that same laughter that was buried the system, all that we need. Not to create confusion, not to produce rubble, but because there are more years to lead and to produce useful changes and possible to govern well in Italy.
Come and help us. We are the Socialist Party, a free and open party, a party that has a strong desire to make policy, we are the party of the modern and the party of former mob which broke all its chains.
